REGARDS SUR NOS PUBLICATIONS

London, Hurst, 2024, 416 p.

In 2012 Narendra Modi became the first Hindu nationalist politician thrice elected to lead a state of the Indian Union, his stewardship as Chief Minister of Gujarat being the longest in that state’s history. Modi and his BJP supporters explained his achievement by pointing to economic growth under his leadership, yet detractors point out that Modi has been more business-friendly than market-friendly—to the benefit of large industrial corporations, and at the cost of great social polarisation. In 2002, an anti-Muslim pogrom of unparalleled ferocity occurred in Gujarat, leading to the biggest number of Muslim deaths since Partition. The state’s Hindu majority immediately rallied around Modi. No serious riot has occurred in Gujarat since, but polarisation was key to Modi’s strategy there, and he has deployed that strategy again and again since he became Prime Minister of India in 2014. For Modi has cultivated a communal image. A marketing genius, his messaging combines the politics of Hindutva with economic modernisation, to the clear appreciation of Gujarat’s middle class. Christophe Jaffrelot’s revealing book shows how Modi’s Gujarat served as the laboratory of Modi’s India, not only in terms of Hindu majoritarianism and national populism, but also of caste and class politics.

Paris, Seuil (L'Univers historique), 2024, 384 p.

On dit que la France, au XVIe siècle, a manqué son rendez-vous avec le Monde, puisqu’elle n’aurait pris aucune part à l’épopée de l’exploration des sociétés lointaines – flirtant avec le Brésil, mais boudant l’Asie. Pourtant, deux capitaines dieppois, Jean et Raoul Parmentier, conduisent jusqu’à l’île de Sumatra, en 1529, deux nefs de fort tonnage. Ils en ramènent des plaies, des bosses et un peu de poivre. Aujourd’hui oubliée, leur navigation fut érigée au XIXe siècle en preuve incontestable d’une contribution française glorieuse à la geste des Grandes découvertes. C’est toute la Renaissance occidentale qui aurait débarqué, sous pavillon tricolore, en Insulinde. La fable est flatteuse pour l’idée que nous nous sommes longtemps faite de nous-mêmes comme de pionniers, voire de missionnaires de la « modernité ». Il n’est pas certain qu’elle résiste à l’examen. Menée en archives et dans les méandres des chroniques, l’enquête oblige à s’intéresser d’un même mouvement au monde des marins normands et à celui des négociants malais, à la cour de François Ier et à celle du sultan de Tiku, à la poésie mariale du « Puy » de Rouen et à celle des maîtres de mystique musulmans. Ce qui se joue alors le long du troisième parallèle, lorsque les Dieppois font relâche à Sumatra, ne se comprend qu’à condition de rouvrir les portes de la comparaison – entre l’Europe et l’Asie du Sud-Est aussi bien qu’entre le savoir des « gens de mer » et celui des érudits. En nous aidant à contempler, défardées, nos grandes déconvenues, cette traversée nous invite à penser la « modernité » au pluriel et la Renaissance au conditionnel.

Edward Elgar Publishing, 2023, 354 p.

This book offers a novel account of the significant debt crisis which hit many developing countries during the 1980s. It starts with the flawed cycle of bank lending during the 1970s, and then moves from the opening act, in Mexico in 1982, until a solution was found with the 1989 Brady Initiative. The Debt Crisis of the 1980s also articulates closely the economic and financial dimensions alongside the political and multilateral ones. The key relation between debtor countries and the IMF is explored in detail, but the book also documents the tense and often coercive interactions with commercial banks as well as on the continuing resistance to the IMF-led strategy among G7 governments. How debt contracts were restructured during all those years helps understanding how the Brady Initiative worked in practice, and how it prepared the ground for the turn to global markets after 1990. This debt crisis was indeed one of the main incubators of globalisation. This underlines further its unique character in the long-run history of sovereign debts, before and after the 1980s. Remarkably, this book rests on in-depth interviews with the key players. Transcripts are included for the six most important players, including the former heads of the US Federal Reserve and the IMF. Archives from the IMF, the New York Federal Reserve, the Bank of England and commercial banks have also been systematically exploited, often for the first time ever.

Paris, Calmann-Lévy, 2024, 350 p.

Vladimir Poutine livre en Ukraine une cinquième guerre depuis 1999, après la Tchétchénie, la Géorgie, le Donbass et la Syrie. Jamais la Russie n’a réellement été menacée par ceux qu’elle attaquait, il lui a fallu trouver des prétextes : protéger des « russophones en danger », lutter contre le terrorisme, « dénazifier l’Ukraine ». Ce que craint Poutine plus que tout, c’est la démocratisation des anciennes républiques soviétiques et leur émancipation de la tutelle d’un État russe prédateur. Pour assurer la survie de son pouvoir, il mène une guerre de destruction et sacrifie les soldats russes en grand nombre. Mais il n’avait anticipé ni la résistance des Ukrainiens ni le soutien des pays occidentaux. La guerre permanente n’a fait qu’accentuer la répression à l’intérieur et fragiliser la Russie à l’extérieur. En livrant à l’Ukraine une guerre ingagnable, Poutine enferme les Russes dans une confrontation majeure avec l’Europe, l’Amérique du Nord et le Japon, et entraîne son pays vers l’abîme.

New Intelligence Studies, New York, Routledge, 2023, 311 p.

This book adopts a critical lens to look at the workings of Western intelligence and intelligence oversight over time and space. Largely confined to the sub-field of intelligence studies, scholarly engagements with intelligence oversight have typically downplayed the violence carried out by secretive agencies. These studies have often served to justify weak oversight structures and promoted only marginal adaptations of policy frameworks in the wake of intelligence scandals. The essays gathered in this volume challenge the prevailing doxa in the academic field, adopting a critical lens to look at the workings of intelligence oversight in Europe and North America. Through chapters spanning across multiple disciplines – political sociology, history, and law – the book aims to recast intelligence oversight as acting in symbiosis with the legitimisation of the state’s secret violence and the enactment of impunity, showing how intelligence actors practically navigate the legal and political constraints created by oversight frameworks and practices, for instance by developing transnational networks of interdependence. The book also explores inventive legal steps and human rights mechanisms aimed at bridging some of the most serious gaps in existing frameworks, drawing inspiration from recent policy developments in the international struggle against torture. This book will be of much interest to students of intelligence studies, sociology, security studies, and international relations.

Palo Alto, Stanford University Press, 2024, 234 p. Traduis par Cynthia Schoch et Trista Selous

A magisterial comparative study, Proud to Punish recenters our understanding of modern punishment through a sweeping analysis of the global phenomenon of "rough justice": the use of force to settle accounts and enforce legal and moral norms outside the formal framework of the law. While taking many forms, including vigilantism, lynch mobs, people's courts, and death squads, all seekers of rough justice thrive on the deliberate blurring of lines between law enforcers and troublemakers. Digital networks have provided a profitable arena for vigilantes, who use social media to build a following and publicize their work, as they debase the bodies of the accused for purposes of edification and entertainment. It is this unabashed pride to punish, and the new punitive celebrations that actualize, publicize, and commercialize it, that this book brings into focus. Recounted in lively prose, Proud to Punish is both a global map of rough justice today and an insight into the deeper nature of punishment as a social and political phenomenon.