- Alumni & Donors
- The CERI
- Academic cooperation
- follow us
An article by Didier Bigo et al.
- Censorship, online surveillance and academic freedom. Copyright Shutterstock
This article has been published in International Studies Perspectives in October 2019
The article is available in Open Access here
The Internet and digital technologies have become indispensable in academia. A world without email, search engines, and online databases is practically unthinkable. Yet, in this time of digital dependence, the academy barely demonstrates an appetite to reflect upon the new challenges that digital technologies have brought to the scholarly profession. This forum's inspiration was a roundtable discussion at the 2017 International Studies Association Annual Convention, where many of the forum authors agreed on the need for critical debate about the effects of online surveillance and censorship techniques on scholarship. This forum contains five critiques regarding our digitized infrastructures, datafied institutions, mercenary corporations, exploitative academic platforms, and insecure online practices. Together, this unique collection of articles contributes to the research on academic freedom and helps to frame the analysis of the neoliberal higher education sector, the surveillance practices that students and staff encounter, and the growing necessity to improve our “digital hygiene.”
An article by Stéphanie Latte Abdallah
- Israeli army tower. Copyright: Shutterstock
The rules and fonctionning of military justice have created a Prison Web over Palestinian territories, i.e., a reality of massive arrests and imprisonment and a virtuality, a larger possibility of detaining, that is to say a suspended detention. Through mass incarceration policies, it tackles individuals and their networks. Punishment is linked to and organizes Palestinians’ mobility even after their release from jail. The judiciary and prison practices applied to Palestinians are main control devices that are contributing to a bordering system anchored on a specific mobility regime. They are shaping a dematerialized, networked and highly individualized bordering system. Through neoliberal reforms (outsourcing, privatization of services, etc.), the monetarization of military justice and expansion of its action scope, the Prison Web turned sustainable: costs were reduced and offloaded onto Palestinians and international actors. These control and mobility management systems projected within the Occupied Territories have multiplied the border: it has become mobile, suspended and endless.
Stéphanie Latte Abdallah (2019) Endless borders: Detaining Palestinians and managing their movements in the occupied territories, Mediterranean Politics,
A note from the Observatory of Northeastern Africa
- Actualité Sciences Po
The stalemate that followed the end of a two-year war between Eritrea and Ethiopia in 2000 was over when new Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed unconditionally offered the implementation of peace to Eritrea in July 2019. As a consequence of this rapprochement, many within Eritrea and observers from the outside expected political and economic changes to take hold in Eritrea. In this article I discuss how the first months after the peace agreement did result in a short-lived period of changing conditions of everyday life in Eritrea, largely triggered by the fact that the border between both countries was now open and could be crossed with relative ease.
Download the full note on the page of the Observatory of Northeastern Africa
Our colleagues detained in Iran since June 2019
- Actualité Sciences Po
Immigrants, Markets, Brokers, and States: The Politics of Illiberal Migration Governance in the Arab Gulf
A working paper by Hélène Thiollet
- Dubain foreign workers. Photo copyright Shutterstock
Despite seemingly open immigration policies and rights-based reforms, the six Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries recently engaged in international and domestic policies to better control immigration. This article unpacks the realpolitik of mass immigration conducted by the Gulf states by showing how they use retaliatory and coercive migration diplomacies as well as migrant rightswashing on the international scene to shape immigration flows. At the domestic level, Gulf governments’ reforms seek to police labour market segmentation and institutionalise a regime of “differential exclusion” that officialises intersectional discriminations across nationalities and class. Drawing upon sources in English and Arabic, as well as interviews with public officials, businessmen, and migrants in the region over a decade (2006-2017), this article describes how states and nonstate actors, including businessmen, migrant networks, and brokers, operate policies and practices of control. I first find that a recent sovereign turn has transformed migration politics in the Gulf. I show that contingent state policies and reforms in the past decades more accurately account for migration governance processes than oil prices and market dynamics, the nature of political regimes, or the rentier structures of Gulf polities. This study thus fills a gap in migration research on the Global South that usually focuses on emigration countries and diaspora policies and underestimates the role of immigration policies. Secondly, I find that migration policies have become more discriminatory across migrant categories in the GCC, as other studies have shown for OECD countries. Such findings lead us to discuss the global relevance of illiberal practices and policies and introduce the hypothesis of a global convergence in illiberal migration governance.