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Borders, Diasporas, Economic transactions, Energy / Natural resources, Iran, Iraq, Middle East, Regional integration, Sovereignty, Syria, Trade, Transnational, Transnational actors, Turkey, Les dossiers du CERI
Borders, Democratization, Diasporas, Iran, Iraq, Middle East, Political order, Politics / Political Systems, Regional integration, Sovereignty, Syria, Territory, Transnational, Transnational actors, Turkey, Les dossiers du CERI
Ce que le Kurdistan d’Irak fait au « grand » Kurdistan. Enjeux et modalités de la constitution d’un espace transfrontalier
Borders, Diasporas, Iran, Iraq, Middle East, Regional integration, Syria, Territory, Transnational, Transnational actors, Turkey, Les dossiers du CERI
Olivier Grojean et Merve Özdemirkiran
Borders, Conflict resolution, Diasporas, Identities, Iran, Iraq, Middle East, Nationalism, Political order, Regional integration, Sovereignty, State, Syria, Territory, Transnational, Transnational actors, Turkey, Les dossiers du CERI
The Transformational Effects of the Oil and Gas Strategy of the Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq
Borders, Diasporas, Economic transactions, Energy / Natural resources, Iran, Iraq, Middle East, Regional integration, Syria, Trade, Transnational, Transnational actors, Turkey, Les dossiers du CERI
Archive, Azerbaijan, Caucasus / Central Asia, Democratization, Diasporas, Iran, Religions, Syria, Turkey, Wars / Conflicts, Les analyses du CERI
Canada, Diasporas, Globalization, India, Migrations, Nationalism, Transnational actors, United Kingdom, United States, Questions de recherche
« Long-distance nationalism », an expression coined by Benedict Anderson, is often used in reference to transnational political activities. But the dynamics of this expatriate nationalism tend to be neglected. Mere nostalgia or even spontaneous mobilisations are evoked to explain this phenomenon. They, however, fail to explain the mechanism that lies behind « long-distance nationalism ». This paper wishes to highlight, through the example of the Hindu nationalist movements, the implication of political entrepreneurs in the country of origin and the instrumental dimension of « long-distance nationalism ». The Sangh Parivar, a network of nationalist Hindu organisations, was indeed replicated among the Hindu diaspora and its structure was litterally exported by a centralised body located in India itself. Of course, the spread of the Sangh Parivar and of its Hindutva ideology abroad was greatly facilitated by local policies like multiculturalism and by the rise of racism in the countries of emigration. A comparison of Hindu nationalist outlets in the United Kingdom, the United States of America and Canada brings to light the two main factors in instilling « long-distance nationalism » : a favorable local context for ethnic mobilisation among migrants on the one hand, and a centralised organisation in the country of origin on the other hand. Eventually, the engineering of long-distance Hindu nationalism from India questions the changing nature of nationalism in a globalised world.
Borders, Demography, Diasporas, Identities, Law, Migrations, Nationalism, Russia, Russian Federation, Social policy, Les études du CERI
Hostile, sometimes even xenophobic discourse towards migrants remains generally the norm in Russia. However, the Russian Federation’s migration policy appears relatively flexible, particularly in regards to the member countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), whose nationals benefit from simplified procedures when it comes to entering Russian territory and obtaining a work permit. Russian authorities, reticent after the Western Europe experience, intend therefore to promote labor immigration and limit family immigration. At the same time, in order to encourage the cohesion of the Russian nation as a whole, the Russian Federation intends to undertake an ambitious policy to promote cultural diversity, including both the many different constituent groups among Russians and the immigrant communities in Russia. This multiculturalism “à la russe” recalls the “folklorization” during the Soviet period involving the cultures and traditions of the Soviet Union’s different populations. In the absence of a real political directive a the federal level, local authorities have been more active on the matter, notably in Moscow.
Borders, Diasporas, Economic transactions, Globalization, Identities, Migrations, Philippines, Southeast Asia, State, Transnational, Les études du CERI
With over 8 million Filipinos living overseas, it could be argued that people have become the country’s largest export commodity. With their remittances making up 13% of GDP, they are as well crucially important economic actors. Has the Philippine state been instrumental in this exodus and in harvesting its fruits? Addressing such a proposition requires further refinement of three basic concepts – state, diaspora and transnationalism – through the use of three structuring templates. As a preliminary, the dichotomy of state strength and weakness is grounded in an analysis of a particular sector, namely emigration. By drawing on the typologies of Robin Cohen, Filipino overseas communities are portrayed as possessing, to some extent, the characteristics of much more readily accepted diasporas. However, a sketch of the varied experience of a heterogeneous Filipino diaspora underlines the differences between permanent migrants, contract workers, sea-based workers and irregular migrants. The diverse lived experiences of these groups – and their relations with their “home” nation – call into question the salience of notions of “transnationalism”. This questioning is reinforced by an examination of the Filipino state’s role in creating a “self-serving” diaspora through a review of the three phases in Filipino emigration policy since 1974. The characteristics that come to the fore are rather forms of “long-distance nationalism” and “rooted cosmopolitanism”. Taking cognizance of the multiple identities and loyalties in the case of the Filipino diaspora, a process of “binary nationalisms” is posited as a more fruitful avenue for future research.
La présence chinoise au Cambodge. Contribution à une économie politique violente, rentière et inégalitaire
Cambodia, Diasporas, Economic transactions, Emerging States, Governance, Markets / Finance, Power, Southeast Asia, Transnational actors, Les études du CERI
Chinese aid and investment in Cambodia have been soaring for the last ten years thus indicating the rising influence of the People’s Republic of China, especially in countries where the Chinese community is strong. Chinese aid, free of any democratic rhetoric, allows the governments benefiting from it to ignore the requirements generally imposed by lending institutions. As a matter of fact, Cambodia is highly dependent on public aid for development. An analysis in terms of historical contingencies reflects a conjunction of two processes of putting a grip on the economy, both in China and Cambodia. Chinese aid and investment thereby help to consolidate a political economy based on arbitrariness, increased inequalities and violence, as well as the overlapping of positions of power and accumulation. In this regard, the analysis must take into account foreign aid not only because it competes with Chinese aid, but also since the Paris Accords it has participated – indirectly – in reinforcing Prime Minister Hun Sen’s power.