Les études du CERI

Les études du CERI

Les Etudes du CERI series publishes about 10 issues per year following the strict rules of double blind peer reviewed academic publications. The editorial board is composed of members of CERI’s Unit Council.
Les Etudes du CERI is a tool for decision-making and offers to scrutinize and study the transformations of our contemporary world, in more than 200 titles addressing a variety of topics and analyzing political, social and economic questions related to a specific country/region or a global contemporary challenge. Every issue follows, and is the result of, a fieldwork undertaken by its author. In this respect, this publication illustrates CERI’s approach to area studies, based on a direct, empirical experience and methodology.
Previous and current issues are all available online, free of charge. As all publications of this website, Les Etudes du CERI is protected by copyright through the French law.

 

Series editor: Alain Dieckhoff, directeur du CERI

Editor of the journal: Judith Burko, judith.burko@sciencespo.fr, phone +33158717004

Media contact: Karolina Michel, karolina.michel@sciencespo.fr, phone+33158717007

Aux marges du monde, en Afrique centrale...
N°153
-154
March 2009
Borders, Central Africa, Central African Republic, Conflict resolution, International organizations, International security, Political order, Poverty, State, Transnational, Violence, Wars / Conflicts, Les études du CERI

The Darfur crisis has shed light on unresolved crises at its borders in Chad and the Central African Republic. What these various conflicts most have in common is probably the existence of transnational armed movements that endure and reorganize in the fringes created by state dynamics in the region as well as the aporias of the international community’s conflict-resolution policies doubled by the choices of certain major powers. An analysis of the situation in the Central African Republic and the history of certain armed movements active in this regional space argues in favor of a less conventional approach to crisis-solving strategies. It points up a zone centered on the Central African Republic and its borders with neighboring countries as the real site for the analysis of armed factionalism since the wave of independence and the specific trajectories of state-building.

Comment citer ce volume : Roland Marchal, Aux marges du monde, en Afrique centrale... / Les Études du CERI, N°153-154, March 2009, [en ligne, www.sciencespo.fr/ceri/fr/papier/etude].
Nationalizing Transnationalism? The Philippine State and the Filipino Diaspora
N°152
December 2008
Borders, Diasporas, Economic transactions, Globalization, Identities, Migrations, Philippines, Southeast Asia, State, Transnational, Les études du CERI

With over 8 million Filipinos living overseas, it could be argued that people have become the country’s largest export commodity. With their remittances making up 13% of GDP, they are as well crucially important economic actors. Has the Philippine state been instrumental in this exodus and in harvesting its fruits? Addressing such a proposition requires further refinement of three basic concepts – state, diaspora and transnationalism – through the use of three structuring templates. As a preliminary, the dichotomy of state strength and weakness is grounded in an analysis of a particular sector, namely emigration. By drawing on the typologies of Robin Cohen, Filipino overseas communities are portrayed as possessing, to some extent, the characteristics of much more readily accepted diasporas. However, a sketch of the varied experience of a heterogeneous Filipino diaspora underlines the differences between permanent migrants, contract workers, sea-based workers and irregular migrants. The diverse lived experiences of these groups – and their relations with their “home” nation – call into question the salience of notions of “transnationalism”. This questioning is reinforced by an examination of the Filipino state’s role in creating a “self-serving” diaspora through a review of the three phases in Filipino emigration policy since 1974. The characteristics that come to the fore are rather forms of “long-distance nationalism” and “rooted cosmopolitanism”. Taking cognizance of the multiple identities and loyalties in the case of the Filipino diaspora, a process of “binary nationalisms” is posited as a more fruitful avenue for future research.

Comment citer ce volume : David, Frederic Camroux, Nationalizing Transnationalism? The Philippine State and the Filipino Diaspora / Les Études du CERI, N°152, December 2008, [en ligne, www.sciencespo.fr/ceri/fr/papier/etude].

Jean-Pierre Pagé

Tableau de bord des pays d'Europe centrale et orientale 2008 (volume 2)
N°151
December 2008
Comment citer ce volume :

Jean-Pierre Pagé

, Tableau de bord des pays d'Europe centrale et orientale 2008 (volume 2) / Les Études du CERI, N°151, December 2008, [en ligne, www.sciencespo.fr/ceri/fr/papier/etude].

Jean-Pierre Pagé

Tableau de bord des pays d'Europe centrale et orientale 2008 (volume 1)
N°150
December 2008
Comment citer ce volume :

Jean-Pierre Pagé

, Tableau de bord des pays d'Europe centrale et orientale 2008 (volume 1) / Les Études du CERI, N°150, December 2008, [en ligne, www.sciencespo.fr/ceri/fr/papier/etude].

Chloé Froissart

Le système du hukou : pilier de la croissance chinoise et du maintien du PCC au pouvoir
N°149
September 2008
China, Justice, Law, Migrations, North-East Asia, Politics / Political Systems, Poverty, Social policy, State, Territory, Urbanization, Les études du CERI

Hukou is a system for registering and controlling the population set up under Mao to promote the socialist development program. It has created a lasting division between urban and rural areas and has given rise to differences in status that violate the Chinese constitution, which stipulates that all citizens are equal in the eyes of the law. Maintaining the hukou system and cleverly adapting this communist institution in answer to the country’s social and economic changes largely explains how the CCP remains in power. Hukou helps manage development by controlling urban expansion and favoring rapid industrialization at a lesser cost to the state. Despite accelerated reforms to the system in recent years, it has perpetuated inequality among citizens. Hukou thus remains a tool of the party’s divide-and-rule strategy. The reforms, which promote greater social mobility and help ensure that elites remain behind the central power, also curb social unrest, although in a context in which hukou has never been so criticized. The system thus remains the bedrock of an authoritarian regime, serving its two priorities: maintaining social stability and high growth rate.

Comment citer ce volume :

Chloé Froissart

, Le système du hukou : pilier de la croissance chinoise et du maintien du PCC au pouvoir / Les Études du CERI, N°149, September 2008, [en ligne, www.sciencespo.fr/ceri/fr/papier/etude].

Sébastien Peyrouse

La présence chinoise en Asie centrale. Portée géopolitique, enjeux économiques et impact culturel
N°148
September 2008
Caucasus / Central Asia, China, Economic transactions, Emerging States, Migrations, Multinational corporations, Political economy, Transnational actors, Les études du CERI

Since the early 2000s, The People’s Republic of China has invited itself to the “Great Central Asian Game” that traditionally counterpoised Russian and US interests. Today, Central Asia’s future lies mainly in its capacity to avoid neighbouring Middle Eastern destabilisations and integrate the Asia-Pacific Zone through China’s influence. In less than two decades, China has managed to enter significantly and in a variety of forms in the Central Asian region. The country has imposed itself as a faithful partner in terms of bilateral diplomacy and transformed the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation into a regional structure much appreciated by its members. China has moved to the fore as an economic player in Central Asia in the trade sector, hydrocarbons, and infrastructures. Nevertheless, social fears have grown linked to this ever growing Chinese presence, and a number of Central Asian experts specialising in China do not hide their political, economic and cultural apprehensions when it comes to dealing with a neighbour whose power will be difficult to manage in the long run.

Comment citer ce volume :

Sébastien Peyrouse

, La présence chinoise en Asie centrale. Portée géopolitique, enjeux économiques et impact culturel / Les Études du CERI, N°148, September 2008, [en ligne, www.sciencespo.fr/ceri/fr/papier/etude].

Eloi Laurent

La méthode suédoise : la cohésion sociale au défi de l’adaptation
N°147
September 2008
Education, Europeanization, Globalization, Migrations, NGOs / Civil society, Political economy, Politics / Political Systems, Social policy, State, Sweden, Western Europe, Les études du CERI

The "Swedish method" refers to the Swedes' collective capacity to adapt to the successive economic and social challenges they face in today's world. The present study attempts to raise and shed light on two issues: the inner workings of the "Swedish method"; its sustainability in the current phase of globalization. More specifically, we try to determine whether confidence and social cohesion, at the heart of Sweden's success, may be affected by the changes in public policy induced by a strategy of openness and adaptation that Sweden has considerably encouraged in recent years. We begin by surveying the literature on the relationship between confidence, social cohesion and economic performance to measure the respective importance of the factors of social cohesion. We then show how these components have been crystallized into institutions according to three socioeconomic rationales, the social democratic rationale at the heart of the Swedish system differing from the rationale of social segmentation. The study then takes a fresh look at Sweden's economic and social performance today and describes in detail the contemporary Swedish growth strategy, typical of a "small" country. We then describe the evolution of macroeconomic, fiscal, immigration and education policies and point out a weakening of collective protection schemes and the alteration of certain crucial public policies, an evolution that in the long run could call into question the Swedish governance strategy by eroding social cohesion.

Comment citer ce volume : André Grjebine

Eloi Laurent

, La méthode suédoise : la cohésion sociale au défi de l’adaptation / Les Études du CERI, N°147, September 2008, [en ligne, www.sciencespo.fr/ceri/fr/papier/etude].

José Allouche, Chloé Froissart, Patrick Gilbert, Martine Le Boulaire

Les entreprises françaises en Chine. Environnement politique, enjeux socioéconomiques et pratiques managériales
N°145
-146
July 2008
Comment citer ce volume :

José Allouche, Chloé Froissart, Patrick Gilbert, Martine Le Boulaire

, Les entreprises françaises en Chine. Environnement politique, enjeux socioéconomiques et pratiques managériales / Les Études du CERI, N°145-146, July 2008, [en ligne, www.sciencespo.fr/ceri/fr/papier/etude].

Antoine Vion, François-Xavier Dudouet, Eric Grémont

Normalisation et régulation des marchés : la téléphonie mobile en Europe et aux Etats-Unis
N°144
April 2008
European Union, Markets / Finance, Multinational corporations, Networks, New technologies, Norms, North America, Regulation, United States, Western Europe, Les études du CERI

The study proposes analyzing the complex links between the standardization and regulation of mobile phone markets from a political economy perspective. Moreover, this study examines these links by taking into consideration, from a Schumpeterian perspective, the market disequilibrium and the monopolistic phenomena associated with innovation. It aims firstly to underline, with respect to different network generations (0G to 4G), the particularity of this industry in terms of investment return, and the key role that network standardization plays in the structuring of the market. This key variable of the standard explains in large part the income that GSM represented in the industrial and financial dynamics of the sector. The study thus explores the relations between the normalization policies, which are certainly neither the sole issue of public actors nor are they simple industrial property regulations, and the regulation policies of the sector (allocation of licenses, trade regulations, etc.). It underlines that the last twenty-five years have made the configurations of expertise more and more complex, and have increased the interdependency between network entrepreneurs, normalizers, and regulators. From a perspective close to Fligstein’s, which emphasizes the different institutional dimensions of market structuring (trade policies, industrial property regulations, wage relations, financial institutions), this study focuses on the interdependent relations between diverse, heavily institutionalized spheres of activity.

Comment citer ce volume :

Antoine Vion, François-Xavier Dudouet, Eric Grémont

, Normalisation et régulation des marchés : la téléphonie mobile en Europe et aux Etats-Unis / Les Études du CERI, N°144, April 2008, [en ligne, www.sciencespo.fr/ceri/fr/papier/etude].

Shahrbanou Tadjbakhsh

International Peacemaking in Tajikistan and Afghanistan Compared: Lessons Learned and Unlearned
N°143
April 2008
Afghanistan, Caucasus / Central Asia, Conflict resolution, International organizations, International security, Middle East, Multilateralism, Peace / Peacekeeping, Security policy, Tajikistan, Les études du CERI

Changes in the architecture of international engagements in peacemaking over the last decade can be traced through a comparison of the Peace Accords of 1997 which ended five years of civil war in Tajikistan with the on-going intervention in Afghanistan which began in the context of the global war against terrorism. The comparison points to the challenges that complex interventions face today: the collapse of stabilization, transition and consolidation phases of peacemaking; the lack of clarity about motivations for engagement; the ambiguous methods of state-building and uncertain ownership of peace processes. The success of the externally-led Tajikistan peace process can be attributed to the common search for collaboration between international organizations and regional powers and the gradual sequencing of the different stages: negotiation for power sharing, followed by consolidation, and finally state-building. By contrast, the changing motivations for intervention, the isolation of the Western alliance from regional actors, and the external actors’ own role as parties to war, which provokes escalating reactions, are the potential elements of failure in Afghanistan. Ultimately, it is the national ownership of peace processes that creates the necessary legitimacy for peacemaking to be durable.

Comment citer ce volume :

Shahrbanou Tadjbakhsh

, International Peacemaking in Tajikistan and Afghanistan Compared: Lessons Learned and Unlearned / Les Études du CERI, N°143, April 2008, [en ligne, www.sciencespo.fr/ceri/fr/papier/etude].

Jean-Pierre Pagé

Tableau de bord des pays d'Europe centrale et orientale 2007 (volume 2)
N°142
December 2007
Comment citer ce volume :

Jean-Pierre Pagé

, Tableau de bord des pays d'Europe centrale et orientale 2007 (volume 2) / Les Études du CERI, N°142, December 2007, [en ligne, www.sciencespo.fr/ceri/fr/papier/etude].

Jean-Pierre Pagé

Tableau de bord des pays d'Europe centrale et orientale 2007 (volume 1)
N°141
December 2007
Comment citer ce volume :

Jean-Pierre Pagé

, Tableau de bord des pays d'Europe centrale et orientale 2007 (volume 1) / Les Études du CERI, N°141, December 2007, [en ligne, www.sciencespo.fr/ceri/fr/papier/etude].

Alexandrine Brami Celentano, Jean-Marc Siroën

Mondialisation et politique fiscale au Brésil
N°140
December 2007
Brazil, Economic transactions, Emerging States, Globalization, Governance, Latin America and the Caribbean, Markets / Finance, Social policy, State, Transnational actors, Les études du CERI

Since the 1970s, the world follows a triple evolution in favor of democratization, opening and decentralization. Brazil has been following this movement with a democratic and decentralizing constitution and by the adoption of market-friendly policies. However, since the Real Plan (1993), Brazil is recentralizing its fiscal policy. The huge increase of public expenses is predominantly at the profit of the Union, which imposes new fiscal constraints to the States and Municipalities. If the international integration is frequently associated to tax limitations and decentralization, Brazil would depart from this general trend. However Brazilian integration is recent and partial. Integration does not seem to increase inequalities what would justify a centralized transfer from the “winning” regions to the “losing” ones. The fiscal recentralization by higher public expenses might be therefore explained by the political will to reduce initial inequalities and to implement a better social protection. We show that fiscal recentralization is also the consequence of a distorted fiscal system notably in the nature of social security taxes and the type of VAT (ICMS) applied by States.

Comment citer ce volume :

Alexandrine Brami Celentano, Jean-Marc Siroën

, Mondialisation et politique fiscale au Brésil / Les Études du CERI, N°140, December 2007, [en ligne, www.sciencespo.fr/ceri/fr/papier/etude].
L’opération Althea en Bosnie-Herzégovine et la gestion européenne du « post-conflit »
N°139
November 2007
Balkans, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Conflict resolution, European Union, International organizations, International security, Peace / Peacekeeping, Les études du CERI

On December 2, 2004, the European Union took over from NATO the main peacekeeping forces that had been deployed in Bosnia-and-Herzegovina since the signature of the Dayton Accords. The launch of EU military operation Althea was presented by its supporters as a major test for the ESDP, especially as it pertained to a wider Europeanization of post-conflict management in Bosnia. Against this background, Althea provides a fruitful locus to assess one of the EU’s most frequent claims - that it possesses a specific know-how when it comes to combining the military and the civilian aspects of post-conflict management. In this study, Althea is primarily approached through the way it is viewed by both its participants and by Bosnians. Several issues are addressed: First, how do historical legacies of the international presence in Bosnia weigh upon the very definition of mission Althea, its implementation and its local receptions? Second, coordination of the various European actors present on the field has emerged as one of the major challenges the EU needs to face. Third, the study draws attention to the possible discrepancy between various understandings (among Althea personnel and Bosnian people) of what a European military mission entails. Last but not least, the study highlights complex rationalities at work when phasing out an operation like Althea. EU exit strategies seem to derive rather from bureaucratic logic than objective assessment of stability in Bosnia.

Comment citer ce volume : Nadège Ragaru, L’opération Althea en Bosnie-Herzégovine et la gestion européenne du « post-conflit » / Les Études du CERI, N°139, November 2007, [en ligne, www.sciencespo.fr/ceri/fr/papier/etude].
Le renouveau islamique en Azerbaïdjan, entre dynamiques internes et influences extérieures
N°138
October 2007
Azerbaijan, Caucasus / Central Asia, Democratization, Nationalism, Political order, Politics / Political Systems, Religions, Violence, Les études du CERI

Post-Soviet Azerbaijan is the theater of an Islamic revival in the public sphere, a direct consequence of exiting from the empire and achieving independence, which involved the rehabilitation of religion, even the integration of Islam in a new national identitarian policy. Azerbaijan stands out from the rest of the former USSR by the fact that it is the most secularized Muslim country due to its early entrance into Russia’s bosom and the fact that it was long the ground for an ideological clash between the Shiite Persian Empires and the Sunni Ottoman Empire. It is through the convergence of internal factors – a preserved Islam despite the anti-religious Soviet policy – and external factors – the influence of neighboring countries, Turkey, Iran and the Arab world – that Azerbaijani Islam has been reconfigured since the end of the communist era. Eager to preserve the country’s secularity – the pride of the elites – and to ensure that the religious revival does not turn into a source of tension between the two essential components of its population (Shiites and Sunnis), the state has – with difficulty and sometimes a lack of subtlety – set up a religious policy that is far from receiving general approval. However, even if its handling of Islam is disputed, the Azerbaijan government controls the religious phenomenon through a policy that alternates between tolerance and repression.

Comment citer ce volume : , Le renouveau islamique en Azerbaïdjan, entre dynamiques internes et influences extérieures / Les Études du CERI, N°138, October 2007, [en ligne, www.sciencespo.fr/ceri/fr/papier/etude].