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Borders, Conflict resolution, East Africa and The Horn, Peace / Peacekeeping, Security policy, Sovereignty, State, Territory, Violence, Wars / Conflicts, Les analyses du CERI
Arctic / Antarctica, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Borders, Caucasus / Central Asia, Conflict resolution, Democratization, Demography, Diasporas, Energy / Natural resources, Europeanization, Georgia, Global realm, International security, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Multilateralism, Networks, Political economy, Political science, Politics / Political Systems, Power, Religions, Russia, Russian Federation, Security policy, Sovereignty, State, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Wars / Conflicts, Les études du CERI
Anne de Tinguy (dir.)
Looking into Eurasia : the year in politics provides some keys to understand the events and phenomena that have left their imprint on a region that has undergone major mutation since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991: the post-soviet space. With a cross-cutting approach that is no way claims to be exhaustive, this study seeks to identify the key drivers, the regional dynamics and the underlying issues at stake
Afghanistan, Caucasus / Central Asia, Entretien - projet, International security, Justice, Mali, Middle East, Political science, Syria, Violence, Wars / Conflicts, West Africa
Entretien - projet, Global realm, Peace / Peacekeeping, Political science, Power, Sovereignty, Violence and danger management, Wars / Conflicts
Actors and levels of regulation in world politics, Borders, Collective mobilizations, Democratization, Djibouti, East Africa and The Horn, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, International security, Kenya, Migrations, Observatoire, Peace / Peacekeeping, Politics / Political Systems, Regional integration, Religions, Somalia, State, Sudan, Terrorism, Transnational, Transnational actors, Uganda, Violence, Wars / Conflicts
Defense policy, European Union, Europeanization, Political economy, Security policy, United Kingdom, Wars / Conflicts, Western Europe, Les études du CERI
Published in the context of Brexit, this research paper analyses the ‘double relationship’ between Britain and Europe: being ‘in’ by taking part in co-operation with other European states, and at the same time being ‘out’ by staying away from or even leaving multilateral programmes in Europe. This dilemma is worked on from the case of defence procurement policy. How does the British government decide to be both ‘in’ and ‘out’ of Europe by participating in the A400M military transport aircraft programme and withdrawing from the EuroMale UAV programme? Based on exclusive data, the decision in favour of the A400M (‘in’) is explained by the action of political, administrative and industrial actors who perceive the A400M as a ‘truck’ rather than a ‘race car’. As for the British State’s decision not to participate in the EuroMale programme (‘out’), it is conditioned by a weakening of the political will of political actors, and at the same time by a strengthening of conflicting relations between French and British administrations and industries. In doing so, this research contributes to the literature on the acquisition of armaments in strategic studies, and to the literature on differentiated integration in European studies.
Crime, Diasporas, Entretien - ouvrage, Global history, Globalization, Identities, Networks, Religions, Sovereignty, State, Territory, Terrorism, Wars / Conflicts
Borders, Human rights, India, Material cultures, Political science, Regional integration, Sociology, South Asia, Sovereignty, State, Territory, Terrorism, Wars / Conflicts, Les études du CERI
Armed combatant and leader of the Hizbul Mujahideen Burhan Wani was killed by the Indian Army in July 2016. This killing triggered a new phase of insurgency in Kashmir. In the Valley, the local populace started mobilizing against the Indian State in the name of azadi, (freedom). In such volatile context, the production of the national sentiment of the Kashmiris is documented from a distanciated perspective. Frontiers of the national group are explored from New Delhi, as well as the logics of differentiation and otherification of the Kashmiri group towards the Indian one. Kashmiri nationalism therefore more clearly appears in a negative definition (what a Kashmiri is not) than in a positive definition (what a Kashmiri is). The slight and incremental slip of the meaning of azadi demands is at the heart of Kashmiri nationalism. From an original demand for greater autonomy within the Indian Republic, demands of azadi now refer to the independence of the Valley – yet there are nuances that will be studied. They also convey an utter rejection of “Indianess” whether national or citizen. In that respect, New Delhi’s negating the political aspect of the mobilizations that are taking place in the Kashmir Valley has dramatically fuelled the national sentiment of the Kashmiris. The current insurgency that started in July 2016 has sped up the pace of the process. Despite the escalating tensions in the Valley, New Delhi keeps refusing to consider the political dimension of the local social movements, be they violent or peaceful. That is the reason why, beyond Kashmir and Kashmiris themselves, studying the political demands of the Kashmiri population does shed a light on the functioning of the Indian nation and the Indian state.