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Afghanistan, Caucasus / Central Asia, Entretien - projet, International security, Justice, Mali, Middle East, Political science, Syria, Violence, Wars / Conflicts, West Africa
Actors and levels of regulation in world politics, Borders, Collective mobilizations, Democratization, Djibouti, East Africa and The Horn, East Africa Observatory, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, International security, Kenya, Migrations, Observatoire, Peace / Peacekeeping, Politics / Political Systems, Regional integration, Religions, Somalia, State, Sudan, Terrorism, Transnational, Transnational actors, Uganda, Violence, Wars / Conflicts
Crime, Fight against crime and corruption, Material cultures, Pakistan, Political economy, Political science, Security policy, Social policy, Sociology, South Asia, Urbanization, Violence, Les études du CERI
The history of industrial capitalism and its modes of domination is intimately linked to that of violent entrepreneurs deploying their coercive resources at the service of workplace discipline, the extraction of surplus value and the securitization of the accumulation cycle. The relationship between capital and coercion is always fraught with tensions, though, and sustains new vulnerabilities among security-consuming elites. The manufacturing economy of Karachi is a particularly fertile ground for studying this endogenous production of insecurity by security devices. The relations between Karachi’s factory owners and their guards have generated their own economy of suspicion. Various attempts to conjure this shaky domination have generated new uncertainties, calling for new methods of control to keep the guards themselves under watch.
Entretien - ouvrage, International security, Middle East, Networks, Religions, Security policy, South Asia, Terrorism, Violence
Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Collective mobilizations, Colombia, Conflict resolution, Costa Rica, Crime, Cuba, Democratization, Economy, Emerging States, Fight against crime and corruption, Governance, Latin America and the Caribbean, Memory and politics of the past, Mexico, Nationalism, NGOs / Civil society, Nicaragua, Paraguay, Peace / Peacekeeping, Peru, Political economy, Political order, Political science, Politics / Political Systems, Regional integration, Religions, Security policy, Transnational actors, Venezuela, Violence, Les études du CERI
Observatoire politique de l’Amérique latine et des Caraïbes de Sciences Po
Amérique latine - L’Année politique is a publication by CERI-Sciences Po’s Political Observatory of Latin America and the Caribbean (OPALC). The study extends the work presented on the Observatory’s website (www.sciencespo.fr/opalc) by offering tools for understanding a continent that is in the grip of deep transformations.
Azerbaijan, Belarus, Borders, Caucasus / Central Asia, Central and Eastern Europe, Conflict resolution, Czech Republic, Economic transactions, Energy / Natural resources, European Union, Europeanization, Fight against crime and corruption, Georgia, Globalization, Human rights, Hungary, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Markets / Finance, Memory and politics of the past, Nationalism, Poland, Political economy, Political order, Political science, Russia, Slovakia, Territory, Terrorism, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Violence, Les études du CERI
Anne de Tinguy (dir.)
Looking into Eurasia : the year in politics provides some keys to understand the events and phenomena that have left their imprint on a region that has undergone major mutation since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991: the post-soviet space. With a cross-cutting approach that is no way claims to be exhaustive, this study seeks to identify the key drivers, the regional dynamics and the underlying issues at stake
Palestine: From an untraceable State to an impossible nation. What purpose do Palestinian leaders serve?
Conflict resolution, Democratization, Governance, Israel, Middle East, Palestine, Peace / Peacekeeping, Politics / Political Systems, Sovereignty, State, Territory, Violence, Wars / Conflicts, Les études du CERI
Today, the creation of a Palestinian state appears to be a distant possibility: the international community rejected to manage the issue, and the leadership in these territories weakened because of its divisions, revealing their inability to advance. Both the political and the territorial partition between the Gaza strip, governed by the Hamas and the West Bank, under Palestinian authority in line with Fatah, reveal a profound crisis that questions the very contours of Palestinian politics. It also shows that Hamas’ integration in the political game made it impossible to pursue the security subcontacting system. Maintaining the system avoids reconstructing the Palestinian political community, and makes it difficult to develop a strategy that moves towards sovereignty. Since October 2015, the popular and pacific resistance project has been shelved by the return of the violence against Israeli civilians. The Palestinian leadership counts on internationalization of the cause, which has shown mediocre results. Will the replacement of Mahmoud Abbas by his competitors permit to leave the rut?
Crime, Fight against crime and corruption, Governance, Lebanon, Middle East, NGOs / Civil society, Security policy, Sociology, State, Transnational actors, Violence, Les études du CERI
Yet there is ample literature devoted to the sociology of the police in the western world, little research focuses on Arab countries. This study tries to fill this gap by offering an ethnographic study of Ras Beirut police station, the first and the only police station in Lebanon that has been reformed according to the community policing model. The academic works focusing on the importation of this model in developing countries point out how difficult it is to implement and emphasize its negative outcomes due to the local characteristics of each country. Fragmented on a sectarian and a political ground, Lebanon remains a perfect field to explore this hypothesis. Indeed the divisions of the Lebanese state weaken the interactions between the public and the private security forces. Nevertheless, many others factors, beyond the religious and the political divisions, explain Ras Beirut’s failure. The internal dynamics at work inside the police station and the influence of the patronage networks reduce considerably the chances of its success.
Afghanistan, Caucasus / Central Asia, Conflict resolution, History, Identities, NGOs / Civil society, Peace / Peacekeeping, Political order, Religions, Sociology, State, Violence, Wars / Conflicts, Anthropology, Les études du CERI
avec la collaboration de Madhi Mehraeen et Ibrahim Tavalla
War since 1979 and the reconstruction of the state under Western tutelage since 2001 have led to a simplification of the identity of Afghan society, through an invention of ethnicity and tradition – a process behind which the control or the ownership of the political and economic resources of the country are at stake. Hazarajat is a remarkable observation site of this process. Its forced integration into the nascent Afghan state during the late nineteenth century has left a mark on its history. The people of Hazara, mainly Shi’ite, has been relegated to a subordinate position from which it got out of progressively, only by means of jihad against the Soviet occupation in the 1980s and the US intervention in 2001, at the ost of an ethnicization of its social and political consciousness. Ethnicity, however, is based on a less communitarian than unequal moral and political economy. Post-war aid to state-building has polarized social relations, while strengthening their ethnicization: donors and NGOs remain prisoners of a cultural, if not orientalist approach to the country that they thereby contribute to “traditionalize”, while development aid destabilizes the “traditional” society by accelerating its monetization and commodification.