Over the past 20 years, the Chinese government and the CCP have increased their ambitions and the arsenal of resources to influence Chinese communities abroad. On the basis of research in the Netherlands between 2020 and 2023, I will argue that Chinese people, companies and other entities abroad are not simply supposed to support the interests and goals of the PRC, but are increasingly considered an integral part of the global Chinese nation that extends beyond the border of the PRC itself. Although this sounds very ominous, it actually means that much of CCP work abroad is actually much less of a threat to other countries than is often assumed. To explain this paradox, I will discuss three different and largely separate aspects of the CCP overt foreign activities: foreign liaison, party building and united front work.

China is unquestionably an exceptional case in the annals of relations between sending nations and emigration. The country's commitment to overseeing and regulating its overseas Chinese communities dates back to the mid-nineteenth century, and this subject has been a pivotal concern in China ever since. The ascension of Xi Jinping to power in 2013 signified a new era, and a pivotal juncture after 2018, in the relationship between the state of origin and Chinese communities residing abroad. This shift has been accompanied by an apparent adoption of a more authoritarian posture by Beijing in its dealings with both the host states and Chinese communities abroad. Consequently, the emergence of this new dynamic has led to the emergence of the concept of 'extraterritorial authoritarianism'. The study of interactions between China and the Chinese living abroad can be attached to a relatively recent body of theoretical, multi-disciplinary research developed by researchers specialising in migration or international relations who analyse the links between sending states and Diasporas. Some of these researchers are now focusing on authoritarian states, and all of them are linked with transnationalism studies. This presentation (from a prepared article) seeks to contribute to this body of research by exploring the question of whether China's current policy towards its communities abroad can be interpreted through the lens of extraterritorial authoritarianism.

Since the privatization of the port of Piraeus through its acquisition by the Chinese state-owned enterprise COSCO and the introduction of the Golden Visa Program in Greece in the mid-2010s, there has been a significant increase in the number of Chinese citizens residing in the country. According to data from the Ministry of Migration and Asylum, by December 2024, approximately 29,800 Chinese nationals held residence permits in Greece, a striking increase from the estimated 1,400 recorded in 2001 by the Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT). Although existing academic literature on the Chinese community in Greece remains limited, previous studies (Rosen 2015; Polyzou 2014) provide valuable insights. A comparison between these earlier findings and the new data collected in this study raises critical questions regarding the evolving nature of this migrant group. The implementation of the Golden Visa Program, coupled with China's broader economic transformation, has significantly altered the composition and characteristics of the Chinese diaspora in Europe, particularly in Greece. These changes have introduced notable distinctions within the community in terms of socioeconomic status, professional backgrounds, geographic origins, aspirations, and political orientations. Furthermore, an increasing number of Chinese-founded organizations and businesses have gained visibility within Greek society, signaling a growing presence and influence. This presentation will seek to critically examine whether the Chinese community in Greece can still be regarded as a cohesive entity represented by its formal organizations or if internal divergences necessitate a reconsideration of this perspective. More specifically, it will explore how these internal differences manifest in the lived experiences and social dynamics of the community, ultimately questioning the extent to which unity or fragmentation defines the contemporary Chinese diaspora in Greece.