La voie royale ? Devenirs professionnels et mobilité sociale des diplômé·e·s de l’enseignement supérieur français (1918-1984)

Julie Falcon et Pierre Bataille (UNIL)
Séminaire scientifique de l'OSC, 22 février 2019
  • Grant's Family, 1936. Fonds Yousuf Karsh. Bib. et Archives Canada, e010951078 Grant's Family, 1936. Fonds Yousuf Karsh. Bib. et Archives Canada, e010951078

Séminaire scientifique de l'OSC 2018-2019

98, rue de l'Université 75007 Paris - salle Annick Percheron

vendredi 22 février 2019 de 11h30 à 13h

Julie Falcon (UNIL-LINES) et

Pierre Bataille (UNIL-LACCUS/OBSEF)

Julie FalconPierre Bataille

La voie royale ? Devenirs professionnels et mobilité sociale des diplômé·e·s de l’enseignement supérieur français (1918-1984)

La plupart des études quantitatives menées sur la mobilité sociale se sont longtemps basées sur l'idée que l'accès aux diplômes les plus élevés et les plus prestigieux induisait une diminution relative de l'incidence de l'origine sociale sur le devenir professionnel. Cette idée est d'ailleurs au fondement des politiques de démocratisation de l'enseignement supérieur dans la plupart des pays industrialisés. A partir du cas de l'analyse des diplômé·e·s français·e·s né·e·s entre 1918 et 1980, nous discuterons ce présupposé. Nous montrerons que, si l'on observe bien une diminution de la reproduction sociale dans les rangs des diplômé·e·s de Licence, l'incidence de l'origine sociale sur la carrière professionnelle reste forte parmi les titulaires de diplômes de deuxième cycle (Maîtrise, DEA, Master...) ou de troisième cycle (Doctorat) et - surtout - parmi ceux et celles qui sortent d'établissements sélectifs (grandes écoles). Les données recueillies permettent aussi d’analyser les dynamiques d’accès aux différents pôles du champ du pouvoir français et ainsi esquisser certaines hypothèses articulant problématiques issues de la sociologie de la mobilité sociale et de la sociologie des élites.

Register is mandatory for external audience (bernard.corminboeuf@sciencespo.fr).

Illustration : "Family portrait, including Mrs. Grant, 1936 / Portrait de la famille de madame Grant, 1936", Yousuf Karsh. Fonds Yousuf Karsh. Bibliothèque et Archives Canada, e010951078 (CC - BY) via Flickr.

Nouveaux chantiers de thèse 2019

Ils·elles ont choisi de conduire leur recherche doctorale à l'OSC
  • 7 nouveaux doctorants en 2019 à l'OSC 7 nouveaux doctorants en 2019 à l'OSC

Comme à chaque rentrée universitaire, l'OSC a le plaisir d'accueillir de nouveaux doctorants, porteurs de sujets d'étude variés. L'équipe d'enseignants-chercheurs de l'OSC a mis en place et renforcé une politique d'encadrement doctoral et de formation de jeunes chercheurs, en partenariat avec l'École doctorale de Sciences Po et les structures partenaires (LIEPP, MaxPo). L'HCERES a souligné dans son dernier avis "l'excellent placement des jeunes docteurs [de l'OSC] dans le monde académique".

La liste des doctorants intégrant cette année le laboratoire est suceptible d'évoluer.

Nouveaux doctorants 2019 à l'OSC  Célia Bouchet
Des situations de handicap aux situations de classe et de statut. Quelle incidence des limitations fonctionnelles sur la place des personnes dans la stratification sociale ?
Dir. Anne Revillard et Philippe Coulangeon

 Marta Facchini
Economic instability and early skill development: assessing the patterns and the underlying mechanisms
Dir. Carlo Barone

 Jeanne Ganault
La conciliation des temps sociaux face à la réalité des inégalités d’autonomie temporelle
Dir. Laurent lesnard et Nicolas Robette (CREST)

 Maël Ginsburger
Les pratiques environnementales entre contraintes, styles de vie et manières d'habiter
Dir. Philippe Coulangeon et Ivaylo D. Petev (GENES-CREST)

 Marta Veljkovic
L'évolution de la mobilité sociale en cours de carrière (France 1964-2015) : les trajectoires socioprofessionnelles, leurs ressorts familiaux et leurs conséquences subjectives
Dir. Louis-André Vallet et Delphine Remillon (INED)

 Olivier Monso
La ségrégation entre les établissements scolaires et ses conséquences
Dir. Louis-André Vallet

 Siresa López Berengueres
Mobility, social class, intergroup relations and European identity: Does social diversity matter?
Dir. Ettore Recchi

De qui mesure-t-on l’intégration ?

Remigration des immigrés et insertion professionnelle en France
Louise Caron - Revue Population
  • Louise Caron, Population, 2018Louise Caron, Population, 2018

De qui mesure-t-on l’intégration ?
Remigration des immigrés et insertion professionnelle en France

Louise Caron (OSC et LIEPP)

Revue Population, n° 2018/3, vol. 73, p. 503-542 (décembre 2018)

La plupart des études quantitatives sur l’immigration en France font l’hypothèse implicite que les immigrés s’installent de façon permanente dans le pays de destination. Pourtant, beaucoup d’entre eux repartent, soit pour rentrer dans leur pays d’origine, soit pour se rendre dans un pays tiers. L'article analyse ces mécanismes de remigration ainsi que leurs conséquences empiriques et méthodologiques pour l’étude du devenir des immigrés en France. Le large panel administratif de l’Échantillon démographique permanent donne l’opportunité d’examiner les sorties du territoire entre 1975 et 1999.

Ces analyses montrent que les immigrés qui repartent sont caractérisés par des situations familiales et professionnelles spécifiques, ce qui pourrait affecter la validité des études sur l’intégration.

En comparant l’évolution de l’accès à l’emploi des immigrés à partir d’estimations transversales et de panel, on montre néanmoins que les mesures standards de l’insertion professionnelle de ces derniers par rapport aux natifs sont peu biaisées par un phénomène de remigration sélective. Cette démarche méthodologique invite à interroger le postulat classique de la migration permanente quand on analyse quantitativement les processus d’intégration.

Plan de l'article :

 I. Mesurer l’intégration des immigrés quand les migrations ne sont pas toujours permanentes

    1. 1. La remigration, un processus sélectif ?
    2. 2. Analyses transversales, mouvements de population et biais de sélection
  1. II. Le contexte français
    1. 1. L’invisibilité des départs de France
    2. 2. Activité professionnelle et chômage des immigrés en France (1975-1999)
  2. III. Données et méthodologie
    1. 1. Une utilisation originale de l’Échantillon démographique permanent (EDP)
    2. 2. Méthodologie
  3. IV. Résultats
    1. 1. Les départs d’une partie des immigrés ne sont pas le résultat de processus aléatoires
    2. 2. La remigration des immigrés n’affecte pas les tendances générales de l’intégration
  4. Conclusion

Accès à l'article via le portail CAIRN

Debate: The ‘gilets jaunes’ movement is not a Facebook revolution

Jen Shradie
The Conversation, December 12, 2018
  • Image Christophe Becker via Flickr, "Manif gilets jaunes #2" (CC BY-NC 2.0)Image Christophe Becker via Flickr, "Manif gilets jaunes #2" (CC BY-NC 2.0)

Debate: The ‘gilets jaunes’ movement is not a Facebook revolution

In less than a month, France’s gilets jaunes (yellow vests) have gone from being a celebrated example of Facebook’s ability to power a spontaneous revolution to a cautionary tale of how social networks can be manipulated by outsiders to provoke outrage and sow dissent. But in both of these extreme scenarios, the central actors lie outside France, whether it’s the platforms based in Silicon Valley or the suspected propagandists in Russia.

Because the gilets jaunes phenomenon couldn’t be connected to one particular trade union, political party or any other national organization, many looked to the role of the Internet to explain the emergence and diffusion of the protest movement, symbolized by the yellow safety vests that activists wear.

The French are accustomed to protests that are scheduled well in advance. There’s even an app called "C’est la grève" that announces strikes, be they with the railways, schools or elsewhere.

There’s an orderly fashion to so-called disruptive manifestations (as protests are referred to in French), but the gilets jaunes movement hasn’t followed the rules. So who exactly broke the rules? An easy answer has been the Internet.

Breaking the rules

In many ways, that’s the point of the gilets jaunes: they’re breaking the rules. Not only did they bypass traditional organizations, but they have accused the Parisian establishment, particularly President Emmanuel Macron, of being elitist and out of touch with the economic struggles of working-class people, particularly those in rural areas. They are not anti-tax in principle or even anti-government intervention, but they are against the type of decision-makers who supported an increase in the tax on diesel fuel without understanding how challenging it has been for people in the countryside to survive – they’re struggling because they have to drive farther and farther to get to fewer and fewer jobs, with wages that have not kept up with the costs of living.

And since existing institutions weren’t responding to these everyday needs, the protests that erupted in November have expanded to broader economic and political demands. But how did this movement happen? If it wasn’t existing organizations, many have said, it must be the Internet. A common example of this argument stems from the viral Facebook videos by Jacline Mouraud, a digitally savvy musician who lives in north-western France and early on encouraged people to protest.

The revolutionary power of social media is wishful thinking

Both scholars and journalists have argued that digital technology, rather than organizations, drive modern social movements. A decade ago, commentators dubbed the Iranian Green Movement in 2009 a "Twitter Revolution". Soon after, many suggested that a "Facebook Revolution" drove protests in Egypt. Scholars also claimed that the Internet was key to the 2011 anti-austerity movement in Spain and the American "Occupy Wall Street" movement.

More recently, with the Women’s March against Trump in 2017 or the gilets jaunes in 2018, the same argument is put forth. As a sociologist who researches social media, social movements and social class, I was not surprised at the overblown credit given to Facebook with these latest movements. Still, le sigh. Again?


Jacline Mouraud’s videos went viral, here on October 27


Yet over the past two years, this celebration over digital technology’s role in political participation took a dark turn. From Trump’s toxic tweets to Brexit’s online cesspool, the role of far-right outfits like Cambridge Analytica and Facebook itself came to light in fomenting far-right movements. And the French foreign minister recently announced an investigation into fake news and Russian manipulation of the gilets jaunes. What was once a horizontal digital army of white knights out to save the day was all of a sudden a horde of bots and hacks orchestrated by authoritarian institutions. Yet many still want to put faith in the Internet over institutions.

But both of these views, whether digital utopianism or dystopianism, fail to acknowledge people on the ground and their existing networks, as well as the fact that populist movements that seem to arise out of nowhere are not new to the digital era.

Just a tool

Without a doubt, the spread of information during a time of upheaval is certainly faster with the Internet. And the gilets jaunes are no exception. But do we call the French Revolution a "letter" movement? The American civil rights movement a "mimeograph" revolution? The Internet is a communications tool. An efficient one, but it’s still a tool.

Every radical movement has had their communication tools, such as radio with the French Resistance, yet those coded messages in the 1940s needed a network on the ground to make sense of them and respond. Many of the gilets jaunes protests at traffic circles (ronds-points, as they’re called in France) were organized by people who were already connected on Facebook through other ties or who work and live together in the same small towns.


The mimeograph, Films Archives NUC, 2014

Populist movements like the gilets jaunes often have spikes of initial protest without necessarily having formal organizations that link people together, or what scholars like to call "weak ties".

Yet existing institutions and networks, from the connections made by France’s Nuit debout movement to traditional unions of teachers and transport workers, were inspired to spread the news of the gilets jaunes during the emergence period of this movement. And the word "inspired" is the operating word here, as the gilets jaunes movement has motivated these organizations to not only participate in the protests but to take bolder stands on their own issues, such as the current teacher strikes and school occupations over the high school reforms.

And what is often forgotten is the still-critical role that traditional mainstream media play in disseminating information, such as the conservative French newspaper Le Figaro, which has run sweeping coverage of the protests since their inception. And French nightly television news has run non-stop footage and analyses of the protests.

Behind the hashtags are community ties and structural inequalities

But how can the gilets jaunes movement sustain itself? From the analysis and research presented in my upcoming book, The Revolution That Wasn’t: How Digital Activism Favors Conservatives (Harvard University Press), I found that over time, movements that have resources and infrastructure are more likely to harness the power of the Internet, and conservatives tend to have an advantage in this regard. Over the long run, it takes focused time and expertise to maintain online participation for social movements. Hierarchical, not horizontal, groups are more likely to be able to do this. Simply, more, not less, organization is required for digital activism to endure in a movement.

Yet I am not arguing that the gilets jaunes was sparked by a conservative organizational bureaucracy. Quite the contrary. It is an organic popular movement that wants the government to be more, not less, involved in improving the lives of the working-class. Yet we can already see how institutions, such as Jean-Luc Melenchon’s left-leaning La France Insoumise movement, have tried to fill the vacuum of this so-called leaderless movement. In the absence of a strong grassroots organization, others will take over, including orchestrated dis-information digital campaigns.

But nor is propaganda new to political movements. The problem with the pendulum swing of "Hooray, the Internet connects!" to "Boo, the Internet deceives!" is that neither explanation for protest takes into account the community ties before the protests began but more importantly, the broader structural crisis that brought people together in the first place.

This is a movement that is linked to power and economic differences – not just people feeling a financial squeeze at the end of the month but also eyeing the growing inequality between the elites and the working class all over France. And they’re not spending valuable time at protests or risking arrest because they are dupes to fake news. They are embedded in a societal context that drives their participation.

When I first moved to France in 2014 after studying populist movements in the United States – from Occupy Wall Street to the Tea Party – I was curious why there hadn’t been a strong left-wing populist movement in France like in Spain, the US or much of the western world in 2011.

I soon began to understand that despite the emergence of movements like Nuit debout and other protests against the "Loi travail" (a law that loosened worker protections), France’s social system was able to weather the storm of the economic recession that had plagued other countries. So even though digital activism was alive and well in 2011, a strong movement against neo-liberal policies had not yet emerged. Simply put, a popular movement drives Internet use. Not the other way around.

CC-BY-NDPreviously published here (original paper) by The Conversation, December 12, 2018, under Creative Commons Licence

Jen Schradie (OSC)See more

Nouvelles thèses 2018-2019 à l'OSC

Présentations des doctorant·e·s
11 janvier 2019 - 9h30
  • Image matkub2499 via ShutterstockImage matkub2499 via Shutterstock

 Séminaire scientifique de l'OSC 2018-2019

98, rue de l'Université 75007 Paris - salle Annick Percheron

vendredi 11 janvier 2019 de 9h30 à 13h

Présentation des projets de thèse des 8 nouveaux doctorants 2018-2019

Cette séance traditionnelle du Séminaire scientifique de l'OSC, permet d'évoquer les premières perspectives de recherche, incluant questionnement, outillage méthodologique et terrain.

9h30 : Célia Bouchet
Des situations de handicap aux situations de classe et de statut. Quelle incidence des limitations fonctionnelles sur la place des personnes dans la stratification sociale ?
Dir. Anne Revillard et Philippe Coulangeon

10h00 : Marta Facchini
Economic instability and early skill development: assessing the patterns and the underlying mechanisms
Dir. Carlo Barone

10h30 : Jeanne Ganault
La conciliation des temps sociaux face à la réalité des inégalités d’autonomie temporelle
Dir. Laurent lesnard et Nicolas Robette (CREST)

11h : pause café

11h25 : Maël Ginsburger
Les pratiques environnementales entre contraintes, styles de vie et manières d'habiter
Dir. Philippe Coulangeon et Ivaylo D. Petev (GENES-CREST)

11h50 : Marta Veljkovic
L'évolution de la mobilité sociale en cours de carrière (France 1964-2015) : les trajectoires socioprofessionnelles, leurs ressorts familiaux et leurs conséquences subjectives
Dir. Louis-André Vallet et Delphine Remillon (INED)

12h15 : Olivier Monso
La ségrégation entre les établissements scolaires et ses conséquences
Dir. Louis-André Vallet

12h40 : Siresa López Berengueres
Mobility, social class, intergroup relations and European identity: Does social diversity matter?
Dir. Ettore Recchi